The Vedic Aryans were acquainted with about a hundred medicinal plants. When a king appoints a Purohita, he repeats a prayer in which he entreats that all the herbs of a hundred kinds over which King Soma rules will grant him uninterrupted happiness.
吠陀時期的雅利安人熟悉大約一百種藥用植物。當國王任命吠陀祭司(Purohita)時，他會重複祈禱，祈求索瑪王所統治的一百種草藥能夠賜予他不間斷的幸福。
From the works of Charaka and Sushruta we learn that the Indo-Aryans were acquainted with a large number of medicinal plants. In Sushruta are recorded the properties and uses of some 700 of them; but all of these were not indigenous to India. Some foreign drugs were imported into this country. In ancient times there was a trade in drugs between the Hindoos and other nations. Liquorice, which does not grow in this country, was extensively used in Hindoo Medicine. It grows in Asia Minor and Central Asia, and was brought to this country by the nomadic tribes of Central Asia. We find mention of it in Charaka and Sushruta. The majority, however, of the medicinal plants in these works were indigenous to this country. Their properties were known by empirical means. Information regarding them was gathered from hunters and shepherds. For this purpose, physicians were enjoined to penetrate forests and climb mountains.
從遮羅迦（直譯查拉卡Charaka）和蘇什魯塔(妙聞仙人)（Sushruta）的著作中，我們了解到印度雅利安人熟悉大量的藥用植物。Sushruta 中記錄了其中約 700 種的特性和用途；但這一切都不是印度本土的。一些外國藥品被進口到這個國家。在古代，印度教徒和其他國家之間藥品貿易。該國不種植甘草，但它被廣泛用於印度醫學。它生長於小亞細亞和中亞，由中亞的遊牧部落帶到這個國家。我們在 Charaka 和 Sushruta 中發現了它的提及。然而，這些作品中的大多數藥用植物都是該國本土的。它們的特性是透過經驗手段得知的。有關他們的資訊是從獵人和牧羊人那裡收集的。為此，醫生們被要求深入森林、攀登高山。
The works of Charaka and Sushruta appear to have been composed in the pre-Buddhist period. The rise of Buddhism gave an impetus to the study of medicine in ancient India. The edicts of Asoka provided the establishment of hospitals at all principal towns and cities of India for the sick and the wounded. The Buddhist missionaries penetrating the dreary wilderness of Siberia and Central Asia preaching the tenets of benevolence and humanity to the savage tribes, also attended to treating the sick and the wounded. They were in one sense medical missionaries. The teachings of the Hindoo system of medicine were also spread to the countries which adopted Buddhism. The Buddhist missionaries brought with them drugs of other nations to India, and thus enriched the materia medica of Hindoo physicians.
遮羅迦和妙聞仙人的作品似乎是在前佛教時期創作的。佛教的興起推動了古印度的醫學研究。阿育王的法令規定在印度所有主要城鎮建立醫院，收治傷病者。佛教傳法師深入西伯利亞和中亞荒涼的荒野，向蠻荒部落傳播慈悲和人性的信條，也致力於救治傷病者。從某種意義上說，他們是醫療傳道者。印度醫學體系的教義也傳到了佛教國家。佛教傳法師將其他民族的藥物帶到了印度，從而豐富了印度醫生的藥物。
The Greek invasion was not without influence on the medical practice of ancient India. The savants who accompanied the army of Alexander learnt much of the metaphysical, philosophical, and medical systems from the Hindoos. The successors of Alexander brought Greece and India into closer contact. Commerce was established between the two countries. It was thus that a large number of drugs of Central Asia and Asia Minor found their way to India. Greek physicians also came to know several medicinal plants of this country. As the Greeks learnt much of the healing art from the Hindoos, so the latter were indebted for their knowledge concerning several foreign drugs to the Greeks.
希臘的入侵對古印度的醫學實踐並非沒有影響。伴隨亞歷山大軍隊的學者們從印度教徒那裡學到了很多形而上學、哲學和醫學體系。亞歷山大的繼承者使希臘和印度的聯繫更加密切。兩國之間建立了商業往來。就這樣，中亞和小亞細亞的大量藥品才流入印度。希臘醫生也認識了這個國家的許多藥用植物。由於希臘人從印度教徒那裡學到了很多治療技術，因此印度教徒也將一些外國藥物的知識歸功於希臘人。
The rise of Muhammadanism brought about a new era in the history of civilization. The Arabs paid great attention to the cultivation of science and art. Although they did not discover or invent anything new, yet they preserved most of the known sciences of the ancient world. Without them, it is doubtful if the modern world would have been in possession of the philosophical and scientific lore of the Greeks or the Hindoos. Hindoo physicians adorned the court of the rulers of Bagdad. Medical works of the Hindoos such as Charaka, Sushruta, Nidana, &c., were translated into Arabic. The teachings of Hippocrates, Democritus, and other Greek physicians were made known to the world by the countrymen of Muhammad. When India came to be under the Islamic power, Muhammmadan physicians known as Yunani Hakims were patronized by the court. They were versed in the medical lore of the Greeks. They brought with them the teachings and doctrines of the Greek masters of the healing art, and also made known the properties and uses of several drugs of Central Asia. The Hindoo system of medicine, on the rise of the Muhammadan power, came to a stand-still; but the Hindoos were not slow in making use of those drugs which their Muhammadan conquerors had made known to them. Of all the drugs perhaps the most important one imported into India by the Muhammadans was opium. Before the Muhammadan supremacy in India, there is hardly any mention of opium to be met with in Hindoo works of Materia Medica. The principal works of Hindoo Materia Medica composed during the Muhammadan period of Indian history are—
穆斯林的興起，開啟了人類文明史的新紀元。阿拉伯人非常注重科學和藝術的培養。儘管他們沒有發現或發明任何新東西，但他們保留了古代世界的大部分已知科學。如果沒有他們，現代世界是否能擁有希臘人或印度教徒的哲學和科學知識就值得懷疑。印度醫生裝飾著巴格達統治者的宮廷。印度教徒的醫學著作如《Charaka》、《Sushruta》、《Nidana》等翻譯成阿拉伯語。希波克拉底、德謨克利特和其他希臘醫生的學說是由穆斯林的同胞傳播給全世界的。當印度受伊斯蘭勢力統治時，被稱為尤納尼•哈基姆斯 (Yunani Hakims) 的穆穆斯林醫生受到了宮廷的資助。他們精通希臘人的醫學知識。他們帶來了希臘治療技術大師的教義和學說，也讓人們了解了中亞幾種藥物的特性和用途。隨著穆斯林勢力的崛起，印度醫學體系陷入停滯。但印度教徒很快就使用了穆斯林征服者告訴他們的藥物。在所有藥物中，穆斯林教徒進口到印度的最重要的一種藥物可能是鴉片。在穆斯林統治印度之前，印度本草著作中幾乎沒有提及鴉片。印度歷史上穆斯林時期所寫的印度本草的主要著作是——
(1) Raja Nighantu, by Narahari Pandita. Regarding this work, Professor H. H. Wilson writes that “from the frequent occurrence of the Dakhini terms in explanation of his Sanskrit text it is inferred that he was an inhabitant of the south of India.” The date of composition of this work has been fixed by the same authority at some time between the 12th and 13th centuries. (Vide H. H. Wilson’s Works, Vol. V., p. 237.) (1) Raja Nighantu，作者：Narahari Pandita。
關於這項工作，HH Wilson 教授寫道：
「從解釋他的梵文文本時頻繁出現的空行母術語，可以推斷他是印度南部的居民。」 這部作品的創作日期是由同一權威在 12 世紀至 13 世紀之間的某個時間決定的。（參見H.H. Wilson 的著作，第 V 卷，第 237 頁。）
(2) Madana Pala Nighaṇṭu, by Madana Pala, a king of Kanauj. The late Raja Rajendra Lala Mitra placed the date of composition of this work somewhere in the twelfth century (vide R. L. Mitra’s Notices of Sanskrit MSS. II, p. 264).
(2) Madana Pala Nighanṭu，作者：卡瑙吉國王 Madana Pala。已故的拉金德拉•拉拉•米特拉 (Raja Rajendra Lala Mitra) 將這部作品的創作日期定在 12 世紀的某個地方（參見RL Mitra 的梵語MSS. II 通知，第264 頁）。
(3) Bhava Prakaśa, by Bhava Miśra. It treats of Anatomy, Physiology, Medicine, Surgery, Materia Medica, and Therapeutics. Its date has been fixed at about the sixteenth century. This work gives a very concise and clear account of all the medicinal plants and. animal and mineral substances used medicinally by Hindoo physicians.
(3) Bhava Prakaśa，作者：Bhava Mishra。它涉及解剖學、生理學、醫學、外科、藥物學和治療學。它的日期被定為大約十六世紀。這部作品對所有藥用植物進行了非常簡潔和清晰的描述。印度醫生藥用的動物和礦物質。
Yunani Hakims, that is the Muhammadan physicians of India, also have written a great deal concerning the indigenous drugs of this country. The encouragement accorded to Muhammadan physicians by their rulers led them to produce many meritorious works on medicine. Under the patronage of the court of Dehli, the Yunani Hakims vied with one another in paying attention to the study of indigenous drugs. Their works are however not of any antiquity. The Taleef Sheriff is a monograph, clearly setting forth the views of Yunani Hakims on indigenous drugs. The Makhzan-ul-Adwiya, which has been made much use of by Dr. Dymock in his Vegetable Materia Medica of Western India, is also another important work on the subject. There are several other works by Muhammadan physicians, some in Persian, and others in Urdu, treating of indigenous drugs.
尤納尼•哈基姆斯（Yunani Hakims），即印度的穆斯林醫生，也撰寫了大量有關該國本土藥物的文章。統治者對穆斯林醫生的鼓勵導致他們創作出許多有功績的醫學著作。在德里宮廷的贊助下，尤納尼•哈基姆家族競相關注本土藥物的研究。然而，他們的作品並不古老。《Taleef Sheriff》是一本專著，明確闡述了尤納尼‧哈基姆斯 (Yunani Hakims) 對本土藥品的看法。Makhzan -ul-Adwiya已被 Dr. Dymock充分應用在他的《西印度蔬菜本草》中，也是另一部關於這個主題的重要著作。穆斯林醫生還有其他幾部治療本土藥物的著作，其中一些是波斯語，有些是烏爾都語。
It is during the Christian period of Indian history, that our knowledge regarding indigenous drugs has been much increased by the investigations and labors of botanists and physicians. The three myrobalans of the East were eagerly sought after by the early Portuguese discoverers of the sea-route to India. Indian spices were also made known to Europe by them. Informations concerning the drugs of this country are scattered in the works of European travellers and navigators to this country during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. At the same time several foreign medicinal plants, especially of America, were brought to and naturalized in India by the Portuguese, Dutch, and other maritime nations. Agave Americana, Ananasa sativa, Anona squamosa, and several other native plants of America are now to be met with throughout the peninsula of Hindustan. Von Rheede tried to gather all the informations about the medicinal uses of the plants of this country in his Hortus Malabarica, which should be looked upon as the first systematic work by a European, giving the medicinal uses of the plants of India. But little attention was paid to the medicinal plants of this country till the foundation of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The Society was established mainly through the exertions of Sir Wiliam Jones, who was its first president. He was as great a botanist as a classical scholar. He looked upon the Society as corresponding in its aims and objects to the Royal Society of England.
正是在印度歷史的基督教時期，透過植物學家和醫生的研究和努力，我們對本土藥物的了解大大增加。東方的三種訶子(油甘子)受到早期通往印度海路的葡萄牙發現者的熱切追捧。印度香料也透過他們而聞名於歐洲。有關該國藥物的資訊散佈在十六、十七世紀歐洲旅行者和航海家的著作中。同時，一些外國藥用植物，尤其是美洲的藥用植物，被葡萄牙、荷蘭和其他海洋國家帶到印度並在印度歸化。美洲龍舌蘭、鳳梨、番荔枝和其他幾種美洲原生植物現在在印度斯坦半島隨處可見。馮•里德試圖在他的《Hortus Malabarica》中收集有關印度植物藥用用途的所有資訊，這應該被視為歐洲人的第一部系統著作，給出了印度植物的藥用用途。但在孟加拉亞洲學會成立之前，這個國家的藥用植物很少受到關注。該協會的成立主要是在第一任會長威廉瓊斯爵士的努力下成立的。他既是一位偉大的植物學家，也是一位古典學者。他認為該學會的目標和目標與英國皇家學會相符。
The Asiatic Society has fulfilled the expectations of its gifted founder. Sir William Jones himself pointed out the importance and necessity of studying the Indian medicinal plants. In a paper on the design of a treatise on the plants of India, read by him before the Bengal Asiatic Society, he said that
“Some hundreds of plants which are yet imperfectly known to European botanists and with the virtues of which they are wholly unacquainted, grow wild on the plains and in the forests of India. The Amarakosha, an excellent vocabulary of the Sanskrit language, contains in one chapter the names of about 300 medicinal vegetables; the Medini may comprise many more; and the Dravyabhidhana or Dictionary of natural productions includes, I believe, a far greater number, the properties of which are distinctly related in medical tracts of approved authority.
亞洲協會實現了其天才創辦人的期望。威廉瓊斯爵士本人指出了研究印度藥用植物的重要性和必要性。他在孟加拉亞洲學會面前宣讀了一篇關於印度植物論文設計的論文，他說：
「大約有數百種植物在印度的平原和森林中野生生長，歐洲植物學家對其還不完全了解，而且他們完全不了解其優點。《Amarakosha》是梵文的優秀詞彙，其中一章包含了約 300 種藥用蔬菜的名稱；麥地那(Medini)可能還有更多；我相信， 《Dravyabhidhana》或《自然產物詞典》包含的數量要多得多，其特性在經批准的權威醫學文獻中明顯相關。
The example set by Sir William Jones was not lost upon his successors. Roxburgh, the Linnaeus of Indian Botany, collected all the informations about the medicinal plants of this country in his Flora Indica. Professor Lindley in his work on Flora Medica is indebted for his information regarding the medicinal plants of India to Roxburgh’s magnum opus.
威廉瓊斯爵士樹立的榜樣並沒有被他的繼任者忽視。羅克斯堡，印度植物學的林奈，在他的《印度植物誌》中收集了有關該國藥用植物的所有資訊。林德利教授在《植物誌》一書中，向羅克斯堡的巨著提供了印度藥用植物的資訊。
Roxburgh’s Flora Indica was an authority on the medicinal plants of this country till the publication of the Pharmacopoeia of India. Mr. Clarke in his edition of Roxburgh’s Flora Indica writing in 1874, truly observed that
“Roxburgh contains all the Economic Indian Botany known to him, and we have added very few economic facts since. We have had plenty of Government and other reports, some very large and expensive ones it is true, but we have very little economic work by persons competent as botanists. Roxburgh is most trust worthy in his Economic botany, and contains virtually all that is known on the subject.
在《印度藥典》出版之前，羅克斯堡的《Flora Indica》是該國藥用植物的權威。先生。克拉克 (Clarke) 在 1874 年出版的羅克斯堡 (Roxburgh) 著作《Flora Indica》中真實地觀察到：
「羅克斯堡包含了他所知道的所有經濟印度植物學，此後我們添加了很少的經濟事實。* 我們收到了大量的政府報告和其他報告，確實有一些非常龐大且昂貴的報告，但我們很少有有能力的植物學家所做的經濟工作。* 羅克斯堡的《經濟植物學》是最值得信賴的，幾乎包含了該主題的所有已知內容。」
In the beginning of the nineteenth century, John Flemming contributed a valuable paper on the medicinal plants of this country. It was a monograph of no inconsiderable value and was published in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XI, for 1810 under the title “A Catalogue of Indian Medicinal Plants and Drugs with their names in Hindustani and Sanskrit.” For the first time, the scattered information on the subject was collected and placed before the medical profession.
十九世紀初，約翰‧弗萊明貢獻了一篇關於這個國家的藥用植物的有價值的論文。這是一本具有相當價值的專著，發表於《亞洲研究》，第 1 卷。XI，1810 年，標題為「印度藥用植物和藥物目錄及其印度斯坦語和梵語名稱」。第一次將有關該主題的零散資訊收集起來並擺在醫學介面前。
The most important work, a work which is referred to by all writers on indigenous drugs composed during the early part of the last century, was the Materia Indica of Ainslie. He spent the period of his Indian exile in Madras, and has given a very satisfactory account of the drags in common use in that Presidency.
最重要的著作是安斯利 (Ainslie) 的《本草》(Materia Indica)，這是上世紀初所有有關本土藥物的作家都提到的著作。他在馬德拉斯度過了印度流亡時期，並對總統任期內常用的拖拉作了非常令人滿意的描述。
The formation of the Medico-physical Society of Calcutta, contributed not a little to the study of indigenous drugs. In the Transactions of that Society were described for the first time some of the vegetable drugs of this country. Wallich, Horace Hayman Wilson, Dewan Ram Comal Sen, and several others brought to the notice of the profession many native remedies.
加爾各答醫學物理學會的成立，對本土藥物的研究做出了不小的貢獻。在該協會的會刊中，首次描述了該國的一些植物藥物。瓦利奇（Wallich）、霍勒斯•海曼•威爾遜（Horace Hayman Wilson）、德萬•拉姆•科馬爾•森（Dewan Ram Comal Sen）和其他幾位專家使許多本土療法引起了業界的注意。
The labors of Dr. J. F. Royle deserve special mention; for he paid especial attention to the economical plants of this country. The Botanical Gardens of Saharanpore owe a great deal to his labors. In his works on the Antiquity of Hindoo Medicine, Materia Medica, and Botany of the Himalayan mountains, he brought to the notice of the medical profession several medicinal plants in common use amongst the inhabitants of India. The advantages which Saharanpore possesses for the naturalization of plants of the colder regions induced him to try and cultivate the medicinal plants of other countries. He also contributed an excellent paper on the Bazar medicines to the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society.
JF Royle博士的努力成果值得特別一提；因為他特別關注這個國家的經濟植物。撒哈拉植物園很大程度上歸功於他的辛勞。在他關於印度古代醫學、本草學和喜馬拉雅山植物學的著作中，他引起了醫學界的注意，印度居民常用的幾種藥用植物。撒哈拉波爾擁有的寒冷地區植物歸化優勢激發了他嘗試種植其他國家的藥用植物。他也在《孟加拉亞洲學會雜誌》上發表了一篇關於巴札爾藥物的優秀論文。
Mention should also be made to the labors of the Agri-Horticultural Society. The Society with its branches in different parts of India has rendered some help to the cause of indigenous drugs, as is evident by the Transactions of the Society.
也應該提及農業園藝協會的努力。該協會在印度不同地區設有分支機構，為本土藥物事業提供了一些幫助，這一點從協會的交易中可以看出。
Sir William O’Shaughuessy, who was the first Director of Telegraphs in India and occupied the chair of Chemistry at the Medical College, Calcutta, spent many years in investigating the subject of indigenous drugs. Several drugs were for the first time chemically analysed by him. Dr. Wallich, who was at that time in charge of the Calcutta Botanical Garden, rendered him much help in identifying the medicinal plants of India. The combined labors of O’Shaughnessy and Wallich have produced the valuable pharmacopoeia of Bengal, published under the authority of the Government of Bengal in 1844. No pains were spared by O’Shaughnessy to make use of the labors of his predecessors. The publication of this work gave a fresh stimulus to the study of in ligenous drugs. The subject even engaged the attention of chemists and pharmaceutists of Europe, and several drugs were admitted as officinal in the pharmacopoeias of other countries.
威廉•奧肖內西爵士是印度第一任電報局局長，並擔任加爾各答醫學院化學系主任，多年來一直致力於研究本土藥物這一主題。他首次對幾種藥物進行了化學分析。瓦利奇博士(Dr. Wallich)當時負責加爾各答植物園，為他鑑定印度藥用植物提供了很大幫助。奧蕭內西和瓦利奇的共同努力創造了有價值的孟加拉藥典，該藥典於 1844 年在孟加拉政府授權下出版。奧蕭內西不遺餘力地運用其前人的成果。該著作的出版給本土藥物的研究帶來了新的刺激。這個主題甚至引起了歐洲化學家和藥劑師的關注，一些藥物被其他國家的藥典承認為藥用藥物。
The holding of exhibitions has been the most important means in increasing our knowledge of indigenous drugs. I doubt if the amount of information which we possess at present about indigenous drugs could have been derived from any other source. The idea of exhibitions originated with the late Prince Albert, under whose auspices the first one was held in London in 1851. Dr. Royle was placed in charge of indigenous drugs, but I do not think the first exhibition, which was rather a trial, made any material addition to our knowledge of the subject. In the second International Exhibition in London of 1862, Dr. J. F. Watson was placed in charge of the indigenous drugs. For the first time, several indigenous drugs were brought to light.
舉辦展覽已成為增進我們對本土藥物認識的最重要手段。我懷疑我們目前掌握的有關本土藥物的大量資訊是否可以從任何其他來源獲得。展覽的想法起源於已故的阿爾伯特親王，在他的主持下，第一屆展覽於 1851 年在倫敦舉行。羅伊爾被任命負責本土藥物，但我認為第一次展覽（更像是一次試驗）並沒有對我們對這一主題的了解做出任何實質性的補充。1862 年在倫敦舉行的第二屆國際展覽會上，Dr. JF Watson 被任命負責本土藥物。多種本土藥物首次曝光。
In the interval between the first exhibition of 1851 and the second one of 1862, several exhibitions were held in different parts of this country. But I do not think they added anything to our knowledge of indigenous drugs.
在1851年第一次展覽和1862年第二次展覽之間，在這個國家的不同地區舉辦了幾次展覽。但我認為他們並沒有增加我們對本土藥物的了解。
The publication of the Pharmacopoeia of India in 1867 under the authority of Her Majesty’s Secretary of State for India marked an epoch in the history of the subject. To this day, that stands out as the authoritative work on the native remedies of this country.
“With the view, firstly, of bringing to the notice of the profession in India those indigenous drugs which European experience has proved to possess value as medicinal agents, and which may be employed as efficient substitutes for imported articles; and, secondly, of remodelling the Bengal Pharmacopoeia of 1841, Her Majesty’s Secretary of State for India in Council was pleased to sanction the publication of a Pharmacopoeia for India based upon the British Pharmacopoeia, which, while affording all the information contained in that work of practical use in India, would embody and combine with it such supplementary matter of special value in that country as should adapt it to meet the requirements of the Indian Medical Department.
1867 年，在英國女王陛下印度國務秘書的授權下，《印度藥典》的出版標誌著該學科歷史上的一個新時代。時至今日，該書仍是該國本土療法的權威著作。
首先，要引起印度專業人士的注意，歐洲的經驗已證明這些本土藥物具有醫藥價值，並且可以用作進口物品的有效替代品；其次，關於重塑 1841 年孟加拉藥典，印度女王陛下的印度國務秘書會同樞密院高興地批准出版以英國藥典為基礎的印度藥典，該藥典在提供該著作中包含的所有信息的同時，在印度的實際使用中，將體現並與其結合在該國具有特殊價值的補充內容，應對其進行調整以滿足印度醫療部門的要求。
The information that lay scattered among a large number of periodicals was brought together in this work and made accessible for reference to the medical officers serving in this country. Between the publication in Calcutta of the Bengal Pharmacopoeia in 1844, and the issue of the Indian Pharma copœia in 1868, that is during the period of twenty-four years, great advances were made in our knowledge regarding the medicinal properties and therapeutic uses of the indigenous drugs.
本書匯集了分散在大量期刊中的信息，供在該國服務的醫務人員參考。從 1844 年《孟加拉藥典》在加爾各答出版到 1868 年《印度藥典》發行，在這二十四年的時間裡，我們對孟加拉藥典的藥用特性和治療用途的本土藥物的認識取得了巨大進步。
The establishment of Medical Colleges and schools in this country also advanced our knowledge of indigenous drugs. The graduates whom the colleges turned out directed their attention to the subject. They were not slow in recognising the importance of the study of indigenous drugs. There were other laborers also in the field. Dr. Waring, who edited the Indian Pharmacopoeia so creditably, was one of the most painstaking and careful observers of the properties and uses of indigenous drugs. His attention was drawn to the subject when serving out in Burma. The stock of his European medicines having been exhausted, he was in great perplexity and hardly knew what to do. In such a crisis, he turned to the medicinal plants of the country. His extensive knowledge of Botany stood him in good stead greatly. He found indigenous drugs to answer his purposes as satisfactorily as the costly imported medicines of Europe. The series of papers under the title, “Notes on some of the principal Indigenous Tonics, Anthelmintics, &c., of India,” published in the early volumes of the “Indian Annals of Medical Science,” now defunct, shows the careful and painstaking manner in which he had studied the subject.
這個國家醫學院和學校的建立也提高了我們對本土藥物的了解。大學培養的畢業生將注意力集中到了這個主題上。他們很快就認識到本土藥物研究的重要性。田裡還有其他工人。韋林博士(Dr. Waring)對印度藥典的編輯非常出色，他是對本土藥物的特性和用途最刻苦、最仔細的觀察者之一。他在緬甸服役時就注意到了這個話題。他手中的歐洲藥品已經用完，他陷入了極大的困惑，幾乎不知道該怎麼辦。在這樣的危機下，他求助於該國的藥用植物。他對植物學的廣泛了解對他很有幫助。他發現本土藥物能夠滿足他的目的，就像歐洲昂貴的進口藥物一樣令人滿意。發表在現已停刊的《印度醫學年鑑》早期卷中的一系列題為“印度一些主要本土滋補品、驅蟲藥等的註釋”的論文顯示了作者的細心和艱苦努力。他研究該主題的方式。
The use of the Pharmacopoeia as a text book in the colleges and schools of this country, has also been productive of some good. The Pharmacopoeia Committee was not wrong in imparting an educational character to their publication. The native remedies having been rendered familiar during the period of studentship, have been often made use of by Indian Medical Graduates.
在該國的大學和學校使用藥典作為教科書也產生了一些好處。藥典委員會在其出版品中賦予教育性質並沒有錯。印度醫學畢業生經常使用在學生期間熟悉的本土療法。
Mention should also be made of the establishment of the Forest Department and the School of Forestry in this country as helping in increasing oar knowledge of indigenous drugs. The forest officers have brought to light several plants used medicinally by the natives of this country. The late Dr. Stewart in his Punjab Plants, mentioned a large number of medicinal plants used by the rustics and villagers of the Panjab. Mr. Gamble and other forest officers have also noticed the medicinal plants of other parts of India. The increase in
還應該提到的是，該國設立了林業部和林業學校，這有助於增加對本土藥物的了解。森林官員發現了該國當地人用作藥用的幾種植物。已故的史都華博士(Dr. Stewart)在他的《旁遮普植物》中提到了旁遮普鄉村和村民使用的大量藥用植物。甘布爾爵士(Mr. Gamble)和其他森林官員也注意到了印度其他地區的藥用植物。透過這些方式，我們對本土藥物的特性和用途的了解有了很大的增加。
The Calcutta International Exhibition of 1883-84 has done much towards the study of indigenous drugs. Credit is due to Mr. T. N. Mukerjee and Sir George Watt, who spared no pains to make the Exhibition of indigenous drugs as complete as possible. The Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, originally projected by Mr. Mukherji, but subsequently completed by Dr. G. Watt, contains informations from all possible sources, as to the uses and properties of indigenous drugs.